Who is Using School Choice? It’s a Harder Question to Answer than You Might Think.
At EdChoice, we seek to advance educational freedom and choice for all. So, the question of who is using private school choice programs is a vitally important area of research for us. It’s easy to make hasty assumptions about what kinds of students are accessing school choice as an increasing number of states establish choice programs with universal eligibility. You don’t have to search hard to be inundated with critical commentary referring to children in school choice programs as if they are mostly come from white, wealthy families.
These arguments are gaining traction now for a reason. Historically, most school choice programs have had income restrictions or were targeted to students with disabilities. But as programs with universal eligibility become more common, some choice opponents assume that participating families look different now. Rather than relying on these assumptions, it is much better to look for solid evidence.
As producers of the most comprehensive guide to private school choice program data in America, we at EdChoice have begun collecting as much detailed information about choice students as we can, including student demographic data where it is available. And, throughout the remainder of 2024, we will be publishing counts of student demographics to better inform the press and policymakers on who is actually using K–12 choice.
One of our early takeaways from our research so far is that student demographic data is frequently too difficult to come by. The more expansive programs we’ve seen proliferate over the last few years have publicly provided annual reports detailing participation counts. That’s a good thing, and a definite improvement over the programs for which we have to track down the right government official or fill out the right form—often taking months to find basic student information. Still, even the more reliable reports have a level of detail that frequently leaves much to be desired.
The above table details what demographic information states report for all launched universal or near-universal programs. By “universal” we mean publicly funded ESA or voucher programs where roughly 93% or more students in the state are eligible. We’re also including programs that will eventually be universal but currently are in a phase-in process. You’ll notice that nearly half (five out of 11) of the programs publicly report no demographic details at all. Only two programs (in Arkansas and Indiana) offer more than one type of demographic datapoint.
Some programs do provide excellent depth on the demographic data they report—Arizona in particular comes to mind, as it details not only the number of special education students using ESAs but also the specific diagnoses each of these students have. However, it’s reasonable to want more information from states running expansive programs containing well over 400,000 students.
There’s a crucial follow-up question here: do state agencies even collect demographic data for choice students? We’ve investigated the application processes for ESA programs, and from what we’ve been able to discern, parents usually are not asked to provide demographic identifiers. Arkansas is a notable exception, but they do report the aggregate information they receive.
In some cases, we know more data are collected than publicly shared. The Iowa Department of Education has told us that they will report a few demographic statistics sometime next school year, but none were available at the end of the Education Scholarship Account Program’s first year. Florida collects plenty of demographic data, which we know because we have received it through a public records request for other projects. Additionally, for all programs, families must verify their addresses during the application process because they must demonstrate they are residents of the state that has the program. That information could be used to list the number of students from urban, suburban, and rural areas—a question we frequently hear.
It is important to acknowledge the costs that come with data collection. It can be onerous to fill out forms. Some families might not want to offer information that they feel is too intrusive. Parents might be leery to see their child classified by race or gender. Still others might worry that the data will be abused, and their openness might be used against them. It is clear even from the limited data released so far that school choice opponents will twist whatever numbers are released to try and show that programs are failing.
These are all serious and legitimate concerns. We recognize there must be a balance between gathering useful information and protecting privacy. States interested in collecting program participation data—and those who already do—have a responsibility to adhere to FERPA and privacy rights.
But there are ways to do both. It is possible for states to collect data that anonymize and aggregate at a level that both protects parents’ privacy and can inform the taxpaying public appropriately. States are already collecting and storing information about who uses school choice programs. They should report it in a user-friendly way that respects the right to privacy. Doing so can help provide a more accurate understanding of who is using choice programs, which can only improve the quality of conversations around educational freedom.
For more information on who’s using school choice, according to state DOEs, check out part 2 here.